The summary refers to 'cutting edge theories and methods ...1

MA International Conflict Studies - Dept of War Studies

What makes the programme in international conflict studies unique is the way in which it brings together innovative conceptual and theoretical approaches with an understanding and practice of method. So basically how do you deploy conceptual toolboxes, how do you deploy concepts that you learn about in particular empirical sites of conflict, violence and insecurity.

In this programme you will be introduced to a whole series of innovative and critical methods to give just a few examples ethnographic methods, discourse analysis, visual methods, historical methods. These are skills of analysis that you can deplay that you can use in your future careers.

Bosnian mujahideen wikipedia

Dr Catherine Baker, University of Hull
(tarak barkawi, mahvish admad, darryl li)
Dr Darryl Li, 'The Universal Enemy: Jihad, Empire and the Challenge of Solidarity'

They quickly attracted heavy criticism from people who claimed their presence was evidence of violent Islamic fundamentalism in Europe. The foreign volunteers even became unpopular with many of the Bosniak population, because the Bosnian army had thousands of troops and had no need for more soldiers, but rather for arms.

US intelligence and phone calls intercepted by the Bosnian government show communication between Al-Qaeda commanders and Bosnian mujahideen.[46] Several of the mujahideen were connected to Al-Qaeda.[46] Osama Bin Laden sent resources to the Bosnian mujahideen.[46] Two of the five 9/11 hijackers, childhood friends Khalid al-Mihdhar and Nawaf al-Hazmi, had been Bosnian mujahideen.[47] Nasser bin Ali al-Ansi, a senior leader of the Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, had fought in Bosnia in 1995.[48] Bosnian Salafi leader and mujahideen veteran Bilal Bosnić was in 2015 sentenced to seven years in prison for public incitement to terrorist activities, recruitment of terrorists to fight with ISIS in Syria.[49]

In a 2005 interview with U.S. journalist Jim Lehrer, Richard Holbrooke said:

There were over 1,000 people in the country who belonged to what we then called Mujahideen freedom fighters. We now know that that was al-Qaida. I'd never heard the word before, but we knew who they were. And if you look at the 9/11 hijackers, several of those hijackers were trained or fought in Bosnia. We cleaned them out, and they had to move much further east into Afghanistan. So if it hadn't been for Dayton, we would have been fighting the terrorists deep in the ravines and caves of Central Bosnia in the heart of Europe.[50]

Evan Kohlmann wrote: "Some of the most important factors behind the contemporary radicalization of European Muslim youth can be found in Bosnia-Herzegovina, where the cream of the Arab mujahideen from Afghanistan tested their battle skills in the post-Soviet era and mobilized a new generation of pan-Islamic revolutionaries".

In 2001, Holbrooke called the arrival of the mujahideen "a pact with the devil" from which Bosnia still is recovering.[ 

16.36: 'First of all, Daryl, I really need to congratulate you on this book. This is the kind of book I've wanted to exist for many years.' 'I think I thought if I make a contribution to theorizing this step where I try to do in that book it makes status like this more possible' this particular theoretical contribution together  'so you know this was one of the many questions which was sort of eating away at the veiling kind of frameworks for the anthropology of post-socialism and you know of course the mujahid whose mobilities you explore so sensitively here are another example of mobilities which even the new anthropology of post-socialist post-conflict Bosnia and the rest of the region we're still being slow to recognize even a decade or so ago despite all the advances that has been made in deconstructing the politics of ethnicity which of course was such an essential step in de-centering the primacy of ethnopolitics in how researchers understand the region when we're only looking for ethnic relations between South Slav ethnic groups in Bosnia we miss these global connections and we miss as well the ability to connect the region into the contemporary racialized global politics of security which has been so urgent to do or indeed into the global history of anti-colonialism which connected Yugoslavia and the countries of origin of many of the M. through the non-line movement and we see this in the book's first example you know of Iraqi and Baghdadi former M. who came to Bosnia not as   Marzan Guatanamo

What's the difference indeed between foreign mujadin travelling to a region and foreign peacekeepers travelling to a region who do both exercise power across boundaries. Do both have visions of social transformation to implement and do both get into awkward and asymmetric intercultural and interlinguistic encounters with the local population. I'm so glad you're asking by the way well where is all the translation and interpreting happening because that's you know one of the most basic everyday questions you know that we need to ask you know about peacekeeping or you know any other kind of military contact so we know if we find you know that kind of juxtaposition unsettling between mujadin and peacekeepers as we might do we need to ask ourselves why and perhaps we might reply well the difference lies in the legitimacy and statehood of the entities which sent their troops as peacekeepers or the endorsement of the u.n. security council gave to these peacekeeping operations but we can't deny once you've put it in these terms that non-alignment international peacekeeping and the international jihad in Bosnia all invoked universalism of a kind and how we morally regard each one forces us to articulate what we believe are tacit principles of international order are now these are only some of the contributions of this frame-changing book it does so much more than document the mobilities of the jihad and bosnia even though it does that with incredible richness and nuance it globalizes how we can think about mobilities of security in the post-Yugoslav space and it de-centres western order? how we think about peacekeeping there it makes non-white peacekeepers from the global south central to the history of  ? it helps write religious mobilities back into the non-aligned movement it creates more space for future scholars who aren't racialized as white to see themselves as potential ethnographers in Bosnia and it explicitly names coloniality and the global hierarchies of race as part of the context of the Yugoslav wars and what happened next in Bosnia so congratulations on this book and may it inspire others as I'e found that my work has been able to help inspire yours